Space to breathe

Since its founding a year ago, the National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) has made some progress towards the aim of creating something that lives up to its name as a national network, having organised seven regional conferences and various labour movement events.

At the second national conference, held in London on June 28, signs of actual thinking were slightly more evident than previously, but still very much constrained by organisation and the pragmatic trade union politics of most participants, not least the dominant group, the Socialist Party. The traditional British contempt for theory and a host of other problems bedevil and hamper a far more radical and independent working class resurgence. The revolutionary left itself, whilst developing and strengthening trade unionism per se, helps to consolidate it as the mere mediation of the terms of our wage-slavery.

Two hundred delegates and 75 visitors attended the conference (slightly less than last year). It was opened by non-aligned comrade Dave Chapple who emphasised that the NSSN is independent - “we are not the love-child of any political group or trade union”. This reflects a number of problems: most workers do not trust the left; most workers think the left groups have sectional or hidden agendas; most workers think the left is a hive of fractious sectarians who cannot get their act together.

The truth, however, is that the NSSN is dominated by and would not exist without the Socialist Party. On the one hand, there is a convergence between the economistic politics of the SP and the trade union politics of independents and left union leaders like Bob Crow; and, on the other, the SP’s dominant position in terms of numbers and organisation allows it to exercise its control loosely. It is not the excessive control-freakery of the Socialist Workers Party, but it is control. Indeed independents like Dave Chapple are in reality unwitting front men who help constrain developments to the narrow and limited ambitions of a submerged and opportunist SP.

Constraints

The NSSN is a network, and not at all a structured organisation. That may change, but for now networking shared experiences, developing contacts and promoting (not necessarily organising) solidarity are its limited, pragmatic tasks. At this conference there were no motions and no elections. Up to 50 volunteers would be accepted to the steering committee, with the (not) outgoing committee tweaking for balance if more than 50 came forward, or seeking volunteers from the regions if there were less. Not exactly working class democracy. However, for now no-one seems to be excluded. The NSSN has, on the insistence of the RMT, a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of official union structures (see below).

The worst feature of the conference - and this is so common on the left - was the pseudo-democratic discussion. Instead of facilitating the development of ideas that can be challenged, tested in practice, analysed, theorised and honed in the light of experience, we get democracy as quantity, not quality; form, not content. Under the guise of allowing as many to participate as possible, speakers are limited to short sound bites, cannot make any significant points (especially if it is contrary to accepted assumptions and prejudices) and therefore cannot effectively mount any challenge or propose any new idea or even develop what is already accepted. The dominant trend prevails intact and the dominant group decides everything of substance. Ideas and policy are the preserve of the leadership of the dominant group. This is formal democracy.

From the platform some interesting points were raised. Bob Crow called for support for an RMT amendment to TUC rules to be moved at congress. The rule change would allow trades councils to send delegates to the TUC and move motions. Bob described this as a rank and file counterweight to trade union general secretaries doing nothing more than talk.

Onay Kasab, one of four SP members being witch-hunted in Unison and scurrilously accused of racism, explained the real reasons for the witch-hunt. The comrades had had the temerity to challenge the quashing by the leadership of one third of all resolutions to Unison conference. He ended with a call to fight for “democracy, not bureaucracy”. This slogan cropped up several times and is a current SP theme. Unfortunately, the SP’s understanding of it does not extend much beyond opposing witch-hunts. The SP is deeply entrenched within trade union bureaucracies at all levels and ought to take a self-critical look at its own practice (a good idea for the entire left).

Dave Chapple then interjected for the steering committee by reminding delegates of the obligation not to interfere in the affairs of individual trade unions - but “there are limits”, he added, and witch-hunts have “got to stop”. This exposed not only the disgraceful nature but the futility of such an undertaking.

Brian Caton, general secretary of the Prison Officers Association was one of the most interesting and thoughtful speakers of the day - he was also one of the more radical. After the first ever POA strike he would like to have said the union was making some headway, but it was not. He next elaborated some working class principles. As a union leader his view was that the members decide what they want and the direction to go, not the executive. He self-critically admitted to having made some bad decisions, but said he at least had the comfort of being able to say to members, “I came to you and you decided”.

Like Bob Crow he weighed in against the TUC: “The morals of the TUC and the way it operates should reflect us - they don’t”. Every year the TUC issues reports. Every year on the TUC we talk about privatisation, about this, that and the other. The TUC has failed to take up fundamental principles of trade unionism - “Currently we are eunuchs; we can’t fight back.” After stating that he had been a member of the Labour Party all his adult life, he accused Labour of failing to support union rights and freedoms. He called for support for a resolution the POA will move at TUC for a general strike under the slogan ‘Choose freedom, break bad laws’.

In the half hour allotted for over 200 people to have a discussion we were rather limited. Comrade Chapple explained what was expected: “What we are looking for is not lectures, but news of the workplace. He was going to be flexible: at three minutes he’d start twitching unless you were saying something good, in which case you might get four minutes, but five minutes tops. We got some brief snapshots of what is happening around the country, which is useful, and we also got some lectures. But it was clear others wanted to talk about how we actually organise.

State agents

Two speakers from the floor raised interesting points: Andy Young (CWU), whilst supporting the idea of a general strike, insisted that we have to get a united public sector strike first. He raised a variation on a Weekly Worker slogan about trade union leaders that became something of a theme: “With them when you can, without them if necessary.”

The importance of building an alternative rank and file leadership is, I would say, only partially recognised, as the ban on ‘interference’ demonstrates. However, a loose network is clearly not up to such a task, so we need to discuss ideas and learn from history. It seems that the SP is heading unthinkingly towards a repeat on a lower level of the ‘official’ communist-led Liaison Committee for the Defence of Trade Unions. Whilst this would be better than what we have, it too would be inadequate.

The second speaker was a member of Unite and the Spartacist League. She attacked the decision to allow the POA any presence in the NSSN, as it was part of the “state enemy”. She was repeatedly heckled and shouted at to “shut up”, “get out”, “leave our network” and so on. So there were two opposing one-sided attitudes to the POA on display. The POA as nothing but state agents, and the POA as just ordinary trade unionists. Both fail to grasp these workers’ contradictory position and hence are unable to resolve that contradiction.

Like all trade unionists, POA members must be won to side with our class as a whole, not just promote their own sectional interests. But they must also be won to champion the rights of prisoners rather than siding with the oppressive state to deny them. But the hecklers gave yet another example of the wretched, anti-democratic nature of much of the left. To defeat a wrong idea it has to be out in the open - not refused a hearing by those who often hold ideas that are also wrong.

During the break I managed to speak to Brian Caton about his contribution. He agreed with me that his Spartacist critic was perfectly entitled to speak her mind and he would personally welcome a proper discussion. The POA’s peculiar nature is exemplified by its motion to the TUC, which is for a series of one-day general strikes for union rights. Here we have agents of state repression proposing generalised class action against the state! In fact it is a proposal that is clearly far in advance of current class-consciousness. Comrade Caton says he is reasonably confident of getting support from some other unions, but has no illusions it will get passed at the TUC.

What explains the POA’s militancy? He confirmed that there are a fair number of ex-miners like himself in the union - no doubt this helps to explain the POA’s current leftism. But it is also likely that the POA has a higher proportion than most unions of members with reactionary and far-right views.

Lessons

In the afternoon sessions I attended the workshop on the history of the shop stewards movement, on the assumption that a more thinking element interested in learning lessons might be found there. Also present were US longshore delegates seeking to build a national shop stewards movement in the US. I think my assumption was right, but once again the time limited meant that no-one could develop any points of substance - just hints, slogans and sound bites.

A constant theme was the need for accountability to the rank and file. Amongst all the history, the important role of the ‘official’ CPGB barely got a mention, yet it was impossible to get to grips with the history of the shop stewards movement without acknowledging it. Finally, near the end of the workshop, a comrade remarked: “No-one has mentioned the elephant in the room - the old CP.” I proposed that there should be all-day meetings on a single theme with adequate time for people to properly develop ideas. It will be interesting to see whether this is taken up.

Back in the main hall the speech of note was by Jack Hayman of the US West Coast International Longshore and Warehouse Union. Noting that millions demonstrating across the world had not stopped the invasion of Iraq, he argued that it was the power of the working class that could stop the warmongers. In his view organising the west coast strike on May Day demanding an immediate withdrawal of troops from Iraq was “important shop stewards work”. However, having put their heads above the parapet, the longshoremen were now under concerted attack and in need of solidarity.

SWP change

Whereas the NSSN has consolidated its position, the Socialist Workers Party’s Organising for Fighting Unions (OFFU) has done virtually nothing and is going nowhere. After an initial effort as part of the Respect project it has collapsed, along with its parent. Now, according to an SWP leaflet distributed at the NSSN conference, “It is time to reassess how best we can build a fighting unity in the working class”. The leaflet goes on to ask: “Doesn’t it make sense to step up cooperation?” Seemingly acknowledging the primacy of the network, the SWP suggests that “the NSSN should contact other groups and propose joint working”.

This caused a little panic on some blogs, with some saying that the SWP were going to show up in force at the NSSN conference, indeed that the leadership had instructed its union activists to turn out. Comments alluding to the SWP’s ‘control or wreck’ methods were rife. In the event the same SWPers who have been involved from the start were there; reinforced by sellers of Socialist Worker and comrades running a Bookmarks stall. With regions already established and a relatively loose structure, it would be difficult for the SWP to gain control of the NSSN - not to mention the fact that it is very much aware of the distrust with which it is viewed.

Also on the blogs was an expectation that the Morning Star’s Communist Party of Britain would make an appearance, following a friendly report of the Scottish regional NSSN conference. It did not happen. I did not see any CPB people I recognised, although there might have been one or two.

For the moment there is some forward movement within the realm of trade union politics, but the failure to examine the weaknesses of even that limited ambition will hamper working class resurgence. Bumbling along and hankering after a lost and failed past without trying to learn from history and theorise a proper strategic line of march is not good enough. There needs to be a democratic space for a battle of ideas. The left has to break with its sectarian past.